马来西亚:数千人在吉隆坡抗议,要求清洁公正的选举 Malaysia:Thousands of people protest in Kuala Lumpur for clean and fair elections CWI翻译作业

译文
马来西亚:数千人在吉隆坡抗议,要求清洁公正的选举
对反对派的巨大镇压
马来西亚的CWI支持者
2011年7月9日,干净公平选举联盟(BERSIH,马来西亚民主
运动)发起了“民主散步”抗议运动,这天将成为马来西亚
民主自由斗争的另一个重要的日期。这是马来西亚四年中最
大的政治抗议,有2万至3万人(组织者曾估计达到5万)参加
抗议。多数抗议者是二十多岁的青年,这是他们的第一次示
威经历。他们聚集和行进在吉隆坡的多个地点,要求公正干
净的选举和民主权利。这些坚定勇敢的人们在过去的三周中
克服了各种来自当局的威胁。同时,由马来亚国民联合组织
(UMNO,United Malay National Organizations)的青年机
构策划的反抗议活动只吸引到了500人,主要是执政党成员。
同日,国外马来西亚人的声援干净与公平竞选联盟的小型示
威集会也在全球20多个城市举行(发生?),包括新加坡,
曼谷,伦敦和墨尔本。
然而,1667人在吉隆坡抗议集会当天被拘留,包括反对党和
集会组织者中的领导。警察用催泪弹和混有化学品的水反复
试图冲散人群。警察持有警棍并且对抗议者进行物理攻击还
残忍的将他们拖拽至卡车上而不顾被拖拽的人正在流血。据
报告甚至有一名抗议者在吉隆坡市中心的抗议中的警方催泪
弹攻击中死亡。
对反对派的大规模镇压
自从6月19日宣布抗议行动以来,BERSIH 2.0-干净与公平竞
选联盟,由非政府组织发起,并且受到公民社会组织与反对
党的支持-受到由马来亚国民联合组织控制的国民阵线(BN)
政府的威胁和暗中破坏。首先,在“受够了国民阵线,现在
下台”运动期间,他们扣留了马来西亚社会主义党(PSM)的
支持者,指控他们“侵犯国王”,随后根据紧急状态法以“
颠覆活动”罪名,延长了对他们中的六人的拘留。接着,他
们禁止穿着BERSIH的写着要求干净与公正选举的黄色T恤。然
后,他们宣布BERSIH2.0为非法,声称这并非一个登记组织。
他们通过几乎由政府全盘控制的主流媒体的负面报道威胁人
们不要参加抗议活动。他们还向高等院校的学生和公共服务
机构雇员发布通告,命令他们不要参加抗议活动,并反复警
告如果他们违反通知会遭到严厉处罚。
被拘留长达60天甚至更长时间的威胁已经被释放出来以制造
恐惧。多年以来的第一次,他们甚至威胁动用军队来控制抗
议民众。他们还暗中用极端右翼组织,马来土著权威组织
(PERKASA)和UMNO青年组织,反对和破坏BERSIH。抗议活动
一周前,他们设置遍布全国的大量路障以阻止开完吉隆坡的
“可疑”车辆。最后,他们用法院命令来阻止反对党和干净
与公平竞选联盟的主要领导进入市中心。抗议当天,警方封
锁了道路,关闭了轨道交通并部署了高压水枪卡车,吉隆坡
事实上几乎被封锁了。超过200人因各种与BERSIH有关的活动
在抗议活动当天前被拘留,仅仅为了威胁其他人不要参加抗
议活动。
事实上,在抗议行动的几天前,迫于压力,首相纳吉拉萨
(Najib Razak)向BERSIH提供了一个体育场用于抗议活动。
甚至国王不得不出面调停以稳定局势。尽管BERSIH的组织者
已经同意在体育场抗议,并且接受了“国王的建议”,随后
政府还是拒绝向组织者提供活动许可,违背了自己的承诺,
否定了自己的“高贵的努力”。事实上,所有这些警方和内
阁创造的过程和矛盾进一步损害了纳吉政府在民众中的声誉
年轻而活力的斗争
抗议计划在下午2时,集结在本应由BERSIH的领导们控制的默
迪卡(Merdeka)体育场。但是警方上午7时起就开始在抗议
集结点恐吓与拘留任何被怀疑有参加抗议活动的意图的人。
当一群青年开始在佳密清真寺(Masjid Jamek)游行,并在
中午12点穿过Petaling街(Petaling Street),抗议的势头
开始了,其他队伍加入其中,游行队伍越来越大,直到集合
在Jalan Pudu,随后向吉隆坡市中心行进。由于警方对吉隆
坡室内主要道路的封锁,还有一些队伍集结在吉隆坡市中心
周围,默迪卡体育场周围和其他各种地点。
大部分时间里,抗议和游行主要由正如领导游行那样领导着
群众的青年们领导。游行期间,抗议者们高喊着反政府和支
持BERSIH的口号,其中,诸如“立即民主”
“BERSIH万岁”“清理选举”“烈火莫熄”“国民阵线(BN
)政府下台”。游行期间,在商店和宾馆工作的本地和外来
工人,敲击出声音并向人群挥手以表示他们的支持。甚至有
一次,当抗议者们被防暴警察追捕,一些担任门卫保安的流
动工人招呼抗议者们去他们的保安处,一些居民和旁观者向
抗议者们提供饮食。甚至有一些沿石油双塔(KLCC)排列的
警察也向抗议者们挥手表示支持。
青年和工人阶级的联合
这次抗议再次显露了那些使得这次抗议取得巨大成功的青年
的潜能和勇气。如果没有当局制造的这些不必要的道路封锁
和不负责任的恐吓与威胁,它本可以获得大得多的支持。
然而,净选盟(BERSIH)的计划局限在呼吁“干净公平的选
举”,并没有传达大多数工人和青年的社会与经济诉求,以
作为对为本国和全球资产阶级服务的利润需要服务的国民阵线
政府的亲资本的政策和议程的回应。如果BERSIH的诉求与
传达工人阶级的社会和经济诉求的计划相连,将吸引更多的
工人阶级支持抗议行动。
国民阵线政府支持的资本主义制度不仅使得政府逐年来愈加
不民主,也不分种族和宗教地不断地削减工人阶级和青年的
经济和社会地位。BERSIH的意图仅仅是在吉隆坡抗议两小时
。即便如此,政府还是敏锐的保护利润和吉隆坡商人阶级的
需要,争辩说抗议会使得他们失去数百万收入,而完全忽视
了BERSIH的民主要求。
同时,一些像马哈蒂尔(Mahathir)(前首相)的人甚至争
辩说,根据埃及和突尼斯的推翻穆巴拉克和本·阿里的独裁
的起义的经验,政府的改变并没有使得埃及人和突尼斯人的
生活更好,而且使得经济更差了。像马哈蒂尔和他的好友的
那样的受益于国民阵线的亲资政策的人只是想保卫国民阵线
政府而没有给寻求替代选择的工人大众和青年任何解决方案
正如CWI争辩的,埃及和突尼斯的经历已经表明,工人阶级和
青年推翻独裁的胜利并没有保证社会的财富真正地被群众拥
有和民主控制以及按他们的意愿和需要管理。这是因为这些
国家仍然被亲资政权控制,有维持国家被首先追求利润最大
化的资本主义制度所控制的倾向。这一经验支持了CWI的结论
—如果同样宣扬自由市场资本主义的人民联盟(Pakatan
Rakyat)反对派执政,也许可能迫于群众压力给予更多的民
主权利,但同时,如果政府依然被国内和全球资产阶级控制
,新政府不可能真正传达工人阶级的需要。
因此,为了民主权利的斗争必须与为了经济和社会利益,以
及这唯一的资本主义被民主社会主义—(一个通过民主计划
,以工人,青年以及其它人的需要和福利为先的制度)—取
代的可能性的斗争相联系,不仅是埃及和突尼斯,还有马来
西亚。在埃及,突尼斯和很多世界其他国家的事件表明,自
发的斗争是不够的。工人阶级和青年的需要和渴望不会被亲
资产阶级政党所坚持和实现。那么,工人阶级和青年需要独
立民主地由一个工人,青年和贫民的群众政党所组织,伴随
一个基于民主社会主义的清晰纲领,能够为保卫他斗争的胜
利果实不被新旧精英们篡夺而战斗。这是工人阶级和充满力
量的马来西亚青年朝着建设民主社会主义奋斗的重要工作,
不仅是为了捍卫民主权利,也为了我们基本的经济和社会需
要。
原文

Malaysia:Thousands of people protest in Kuala Lumpur for clean and fair elections

Massive crackdown on opposition

By CWI supporters, Malaysia

The 9 July 2011 BERSIH (Malaysian democracy movement) ‘walk for democracy’ protest will be recorded as another important date in the fight for freedom and democracy in Malaysia. It is the country’s biggest political protest in four years, in which 20,000 to 30,000 people (organisers estimated up to 50,000) participated. The majority of protesters were young people in their 20s and this was their first experience of demonstrating. They gathered and marched through various places in Kuala Lumpur to demand fair and clean elections, as well democratic rights. These very determined and brave crowds defied various threats for the last three weeks from the ruling government. Meanwhile, the counter-protest planned by UMNO (United Malay National Organizations) youths only managed to attract around 500 people, mainly the ruling parties’ members. On the same day, small gatherings and demonstrations of Malaysians abroad were also held in more than 20 cities across the world including Singapore, Bangkok, London and Melbourne to support BERSIH.

However, 1667 people were detained, including some leaders of the organisers and opposition parties on the day of the protest in Kuala Lumpur in which the police used tear gas and chemical-laced water in repeated attempts to disperse the crowds. The police armed with batons also physically attacked some protesters and inhumanely dragged them into trucks in which some were seen bleeding. One protester was even reported to have died during the protest in Kuala Lumpur City Centre during the tear gas attack by police.

Massive Crackdown on Oppositions

Since announcing the demos on 19 June, BERSIH 2.0 -the coalition for clean and fair elections, which was initiated by NGOs as well as civil society groups and supported by opposition parties – has been threatened and undermined by the UMNO-dominated BN (national front) government. First, they detained PSM (Parti Sosialis Malaysia) supporters, during the ‘Enough BN, Retire Now!’ campaign, accusing them of ‘waging war against the King’ and then extended the detention of six of them under Emergency Ordinance for ‘subversive connections’. Then, they banned the wearing of the BERSIH yellow shirt which has demands for fair and clean elections written on it. Subsequently, they outlawed BERSIH 2.0, stating that this is not a registered organisation. They also threatened people against participating in the protest through negative propaganda in the mainstream media, almost all of which is controlled by the government. They also issued circulars to students in universities and public service employees against participating in the protests and incessant warnings that severe actions would be taken against them if they ignored these instructions.

The threats, which could see a person detained for up to 60 days or more, have also been unleashed to create fears. For the first time in many years, they even threatened the use of the military to control the crowd at the protest. They also indirectly used the ultra right-wing groups, PERKASA and UMNO youth, to counter and undermine BERSIH. A week before the protest, they had put up massive roadblocks throughout the country to stop ‘suspicious’ busses and cars coming towards Kuala Lumpur. Lastly, they restricted the main leaders of the opposition parties and BERSIH organisers from entering the city center by court order. On the day of the protests, Kuala Lumpur was practically locked down when the police blocked roads, shut rail stations and deployed water-cannon trucks at all ‘hot spots’. More than 200 people were detained before the day of the protest for various activities related to BERSIH, merely to threaten others not to participate in the protest.

In fact, a few days before the protest, under pressure, the prime minister, Najib Razak offered the BERSIH a stadium for the protest. Even the monarch had to intervene to stabilise the situation. Although the BERSIH organisers had agreed to use the stadium for the protest, as well as agreed to the ‘advice of the King’, later the government itself contradicted its ‘noble attempt’ by reneging on its own promise by not giving the permit to the organiser. Indeed, all these processes and contradictions created by the police and government ministers have further undermined the Najib government among the population.

Youthful and Lively March

The protest was planned for 2pm to gather near the Stadium Merdeka where it supposed to be led by BERSIH leaders. But the police started to intimidate and detain anyone suspected with the intention of participating in the protest as early as 7am at all gathering spots. The momentum for the protest started when a group of young people started to march at the Masjid Jamek, then through Petaling Street at around 12pm, while the other groups merged and it grew bigger and bigger until it converged in Jalan Pudu and later marched towards Kuala Lumpur City Center. There were also groups gathered around KL central, Stadium Merdeka and various other places because of the police blockade of main roads within Kuala Lumpur.

Most of the time, the protest and march were stewarded and led by mainly young people who were also managed and led the crowds as well as directed the march. During the march, the protesters shouted many anti-government and pro-BERSIH slogans, among them were, ‘democracy now’, ‘long live BERSIH’, ‘clean up the elections’, ‘reformasi’, ‘end the BN government’ etc. Along the march, local and foreign workers working in the shops and hotels, gave thumps up signs and waves to the crowds to show their support. Even on one occasion, when the protesters were chased by riot police, some migrant workers working as guards asked the protesters to converge in their guarded space, and some residents and onlookers provided food and drinks to protesters. Even some rank and file police lined along the KLCC waved and shook hands with the protesters to show their support.

Youth unite with Working Class

This protest has again showed the potential and courage of the youth which made this protest a huge success. It could have garnered far bigger support if there weren’t unnecessary road blocks and irresponsible threats and fears created by the government authorities.

Nevertheless, the program of BERSIH is limited to calling for ‘fair and clean elections’, and have not try to address the social and economic needs of the working class majority as well as the youth, as a consequence of the pro-capitalist policies and agenda of the BN government which has always rather served the profit-making needs of national and global capitalists. If BERSIH’s demands had been linked to a programme that addressed the social and economic needs of the working class, this could also have attracted more working class people to support the protests as well.

The capitalist system that is upheld by the BN government has not only seen the government become increasingly more undemocratic over years, but also continuously diminishing the economic and social position of working class and the youth, regardless of their race or religion. BERSIH intention was only to have a protest for two hours in Kuala Lumpur. Even then, the government was more keen to protect the profits and needs of the business class in Kuala Lumpur, arguing that the protest would make them lose millions, but totally ignored the democratic demands of the BERSIH.

At the same time, some like Mahathir (former Prime Minister) even argued that the change of government as in the recent experiences of uprising of Egypt and Tunisia that overthrown Mubarak and Ben Ali dictatorships have not made Egyptians Tunisians’ lives better but made the economy worse. People like Mahathir and his cronies that have been benefitting from the BN pro-capitalist policies merely want to defend the BN government without any solutions for the working masses and youth who are looking for alternatives.

As CWI has argued, the experiences in Egypt and Tunisia have shown that the victories by the working class and youth that toppled dictators, have not guaranteed that the society’s wealth will genuinely owned by the masses and democratically controlled and managed in their interests and needs. This is because those countries are still managed by pro-capitalist regimes with the tendency of maintaining the country in the clutch of capitalist system which prioritises maximising profits. This experience reinforces the CWI’s argument that if the Pakatan Rakyat opposition, which also propagates free market capitalism, come into power, there may be possibilities to get better democratic rights under the pressure of the masses, but at the same time the new government would not be able to reallt address the worsening needs of the working masses if the government is still under the grip of national and global capitalists.

Therefore, the struggle for democratic rights must be linked with the struggles for economic and social gains, and this only possible if the capitalist system is replaced by a system based on democratic socialism- a system that prioritises the needs and welfare of the working masses, youth and others through democratic planning, not only in Egypt and Tunisia, but also in Malaysia. The events in Egypt, Tunisia and many other countries in the world have shown that, on its own, willingness to struggle is not enough. The needs and aspiration of the working class and youths for better society wo will not be defended or achieved by pro-capitalist parties. Therefore, the working masses and youth need to be independently and democratically organised in a mass party of workers, youth and the poor with a clear programme based on democratic socialism, to be able to fight to prevent the gains of their struggles being snatched away by the old elite or a new elite in formation. This is the crucial task for the working class and the energetic youth of Malaysia towards building a democratic socialist society, not only to safeguard democratic rights but also our fundamental economic and social needs.

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